The evolution of the phenomenon
Since 1974, the period which saw the introduction of a No More policy
in the majority of the European Countries of old immigration, the size of the family has
and still does assume an ever increasing quantitative weight and qualitative importance
concerning migratory ebb and flow. The predominance of family immigration during the
eighties in certain of the industrialised countries, both in terms of family reunification
and also as relating to family members accompanying the working person, is amply confirmed
by the series of data published by the OCDE (1998)(1) .
This prevalence is due to the increasing quota of migrating population
that has over the years, by means of progressive integration both socially and through
work, passed from a transitory migratory tendency to one of permanence, that has as its
primary consequence the constitution or reconstitution of the nuclear family.(2) In
analysing such trends, immanent upon the various stages of integration into the host
country (Bastenier, Dassetto, 1990), we must also consider the legal-administrative
framework that might favour or obstruct any intention of reuniting the family. The right
of the immigrant worker to reunite with his family is a right recognised by the United
Nations, established by the notion contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(article 16, paragraph 3), that "the family is the natural and fundamental group unit
of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State" (United Nations,
1998). Within the various conventions that have taken place over the years, the two
conventions adopted by the International Labour Organisation need be underlined. In the
first, convention No. 97 of 1949 "Migration for Employment", there was agreement
of the non expulsion of the immigrant worker and his family, in the circumstance that the
worker might not be able to continue working following illness or any injury consequent
upon his entry. The second, of 1975 No. 143, regarding "Migrations in Abusive
Conditions and the Promotion of Equality of Opportunity and Treatment of Migrant
Workers", invited each member country to take all necessary measures, even by means
of collaboration between different member states, to facilitate the re-unification of the
families of all immigrant workers. (United States, 1998)(3) . Furthermore, the two United
Nations conventions concerning the rights of children must be added: that of 1989 which
stresses the family unit as an element of well-being and harmonious development of the
minor (Agit, 1999), and that of 1990 on the rights of migrant workers and members of their
families (Citti, 1999).
The migratory flow for the reunification of the family represents a
special case in the conflict between the right of the individual to mobility, this too
recognised as a human right, and the legal system that governs entry into a specified
country. The interests of the individual and those of the State do not coincide, even
though there might exist in the country of destination the idea of the family as a
fundamental unit (United Nations, 1998).
At the current time, the industrialised nations the human right to
reunification is accepted only formally, if we consider the rigid conditions to which the
procedure of reunification is submitted(4) . The European Union recognises and confirms
that the reunification of the family is fundamental for the exercise of the right to
liberty and human dignity, but the resolution adopted in Copenaghen in 1992 contains a
marked basic ambiguity and is not legally binding upon the member countries (Agit, 1999).
The specific status of the foreigner in terms of conditions of access
and of legality of residence, determine the frame of reference of the possibilities and
modalities for family reunification (Perruchoud, 1989).
The European countries, including Italy, generally require as basic
requirements for authorisation an income sufficient for the maintenance of the reunited
person and adequate lodgings.(5) The data of interest concerns the system of rights and
obligations concerning the reunited person, where there are substantial variations. Of
much interest in this respect are the observations of Eleonore Kofman (1999) concerning
the sexist dimension of the basic assumptions made by the European legislations on the
subject. Generally the male individual is the more privileged, it being especially taken
for granted the economic dependence of the reunited woman who in order to have the same
rights as the husband, in terms of work, is obliged to wait for twelve months.
Over and above the various legislations in force, the change in the
characteristics of migratory flow is also reflected in the different policies adopted by
the individual European countries, where the necessity of intervention in favour of
integration of members of the reunited family, especially women or minors, is recognised.
In face of these profound changes in the characteristics of the Western migratory
phenomenon, there has not been forthcoming an adequate study of the socio-economic
consequences of family reunification. In the last decade, many of the advanced studies of
this subject, have concentrated principally upon a critical analysis of the different
legislative propositions, even within a comparative context, or studies of an empirical
character into single problems, which principally include the condition of the woman in
its various aspects, including among them her presence in the workplace and her increasing
role as breadwinner (Pedraza, 1991; Morokvasic, 1993; Kofman 1999), the internal changes
to the family, in reference to the redefinition of the parental roles (Ben Salah, 1993;
Zerhaoui, 1996), and the problems of the minor (Fondazione Zancan, 1998). These studies
are important in delineating the basic trends in the processes of integration, but they do
not give prominence to the process of reunification. In substance there has not been
established a setting for reflection and of empirical study dedicated exclusively to the
subject of reunification and to the gathering of empirical evidence that might present an
exhaustive picture of the effects.(6)
The difficulties arise, in part, from the very nature of the collected
official data which does not allow for a careful reading of the effects of family
reunification. The proportion associated to the marketplace for informal work, in which
the quota defining female participation is very high and the factual substantiation that a
relevant part of familial reunification occurs in an "illegal" manner, evade
official detection (Kofman, 1999). Furthermore, it is difficult to impose a comparative
study at a European level upon all the data, since the definitions of reunified family may
vary (OCDE, 1998).
Such difficulty is made evident in table
1, which shows the beneficiaries of familial reunification in twelve
countries of the European Union. Of the twelve countries considered, only five permit the
reunification with other relatives (other than the spouse, children or parents) even if
exclusively for special or exceptional circumstances(7) . Concerning the reunification
with parents, only Luxembourg gives unconditional permission whereas the other nations
associate it with dependence with the exception of three countries (Belgium, France and
Germany) who either do not permit it at all or else permit it in conditions of the most
severe dependence [Callovi, 1993; United Nations, 1998b; Lahav, 1999]. Even concerning the
age of admission of children there is some degree of divergence: Germany has fixed it at
sixteen years; the other countries at eighteen with Sweden having raised it to 20 and only
in the case of a child having to conclude his or her studies or military service [United
Nations, 1998b; Lahav, 1999; Zincone, 2000].
There are a few considerations and proposals put forward in Italy by
the Commissione per le politiche di integrazione degli immigrati (Commission for
the Policy for Immigrant Integration) that would seem worthy of interest on this subject,
though they are also valid for other countries. Firstly, much emphasis is given to the
difficulty of the eighteen year limit since it may compel the immigrant to summon his
children at around 16-17 years, obliging the latter to interrupt their studies which will
then become difficult to resume in Italy (Lostia, 1999, Zincone 2000). Consequently, using
Swedens as an example, it is considered opportune, in order to deter entry to
adolescents no longer suited to admission to the education system nor yet at work, to
raise the age limit for reunification of dependent children to 20 years. The latter limit
might slide even further upwards to permit the completion of the high school diploma and
the university degree or for the obligation of completing military service (Zincone,
2000). A second proposed reform seems rather innovative, one with the aim of reconciling
maternity with immigration when the children are numerous and are left at least in part in
the country of origin, and which should be based upon "giving priority to concession
of permission of stay to young relatives without family responsibilities, that might wish
to come to Italy in order to substitute a parent who might have returned to his native
country due to serious family duties " (Zincone, 2000, p. 77)
It would seem opportune, as a comparative picture at a European level,
to include these proposals insofar as they are indicative of the lack of regulations in
many European countries that ought to favour family immigration both as an expression of
an unchallenged right and also as a factor of stability and integration (Pastore, 1996):
family reunification must be conceived of as an end in itself and therefore the policies
to be adopted must also of necessity be inspired by the needs and expectations of the
family receiving "hospitality".
Scanty availability of data available from international sources does
not permit comparison at a statistical level, at least not without significant
approximation. For example Lahav (1999), on the basis of the OECD data, calculates the
flux of family immigration for the years 1980 to 1990 in four countries ( Belgium, France,
German an the United Kingdom), subtracting the flows for work from the total of the flows
of foreigners (excluding temporary migrants, seasonal workers and students). Table
2 shows the results of such an estimate, that the author comments by
underlining on one side as family inflow for the years under analysis, they oscillate
approximately from 40% to 90% of the total of the movements of foreigners and on the other
as it might be in either absolute values or in percentages, it shows a relative decline in
values from 1980 to 1990. The data would suggest a trend towards a stabilisation of
migratory inflow and they underline the need for further research and more detailed
From the mass of literature, the relevant questions, concerning the
effects of reunification may be divided into three macro-regions (Tognetti, 1998):
- the strictly demographic aspect that expresses itself in a decrease in age and
redistribution of gender;
- the socio-economic aspect, in which are determined the increase in the welfare services,
the presence of the reunited person in the either the formal or the informal workplace,
the changes in consumption or in saving and the changes in productivity of single
individuals within the family setting;
- the training aspect that expresses itself in the increased demand for linguistic
competence and professional training;
- the psychological and pedagogic aspect, that is expressed in the change in the
relationship between couples, between parents and children and the redefinition of the
male and female roles.
Italy, as in the case of the majority of the European countries is
moving towards the mature phase of the migratory phenomenon, passing from a migration of
work chiefly characterised by male adults, relatively young and alone, to a migrations
du peuplement. From the period of the emergence of immigration beginning at the end of
the eighties until today, the characteristics of migratory flow have undergone rapid
change if compared with the evolution of the phenomenon in the other European
Taking into consideration the different time periods and the process of
familiarisation occuring during these years, we are in the presence of a multiplicity of
pathways towards the constitution and reconstitution of the family in the state of
migration, which may be divided into four types (Cesareo, 1997; Favaro, Colombo, 1993,
Tognetti, 1998)(9) :
- family reunification with movement towards the male;
- family reunification with movement towards the female;
- constitution of the family of the foreigner after a certain period of time spent in
Italy, by means of marriage to a person of his or her own country;
- contemporary arrival of two married persons in Italy
The general situation, in the Italy of today, would seem to confirm the
image of the male head of the family, having emigrated first, by a significant majority
originating from the north of Africa, who on the basis of his economic and conditions of
lodging, decides to organise the reunification of his family, or to marry in his country
of origin and to return with his wife. (Cesareo, 1997, Istat 1998). This pattern, typical
in the majority of the other European countries, finds its exception, through the
significant presence of a female migratory chain, above all of women originating in Latin
America and the Philippines, giving emphasis to the process of reunification of the male
(Strozza, 1999, Campani, 1990). This may be explained due to the growing labour demand in
the sector of domestic work and assistance, as concentrated mainly in the big cities, Rome
and Milan above all, which facilitate the migratory inflow of women from the countries in
question and which permit the occurrence of a migratory strategy independent of the figure
of the husband or even of the presence of family.(10)
On this point different authors have emphasised how being occupied
predominantly in the domestic sector does not facilitate family cohesion, in that it often
implies the lack of necessary habitation (Caritas, 1997; Vaccaro 1997). Furthermore, in
Italy the bread winner is the spouse who is earning and supports the family with
his or her income and, for husbands coming from Latin America or the Philippines, this
would constitute an overturning of the traditional gender relationship (Lonni 1999;
Zincone 2000). In order to avoid such an overturning in many cases, the husband, remaining
in the native country, might have decided to reunite with his wife only when a job
opportunity might have presented itself and afforded the opportunity to obtain a permit
for stay for reasons of work(11) .
Concerning the women from South America, a further aspect need be taken
into consideration as emerging from the Relazione del Ministero del Lavoro (Ministry of
Labour Report) from 1994 in which was stressed that the majority of the female citizens
coming from this region ,when divorced (and in this case remarried to Italians) would make
request for reunification with their children remaining in their country of origin, these
often having just reached adult age(12) (Department of Social Affairs, 1996).
Within the combined group of the female component and the familial
aspects of migration there undoubtedly operate socio-cultural aspects, as in the case of
women from North African, that may favour or otherwise the various prospects and
modalities of emigration. (13)
On this latter point it is necessary to avoid falling for cultural
stereotypes that would see the woman of Islamic culture as exclusively migrant in pursuit
of the husband and often relegated to a function of social reproduction. Apart from the
Somali fraction, it is interesting to note how due to the crisis in the traditional
structures in their society of origin (family, clan, village) even from countries of the
Islamic region from which the women traditionally emigrated for reunification, there is an
ongoing change towards an emigration of solitary women in search of work (Campani, 1997).
Concerning the data as a whole, some reflection is required as to the
sources currently available.
The primary font of the data, the Ministero dellInterno [Ministry
for Internal Affairs], is limited both in its overvaluation of the overall number of
permits of stay, about one third, since the already expired permits are not extrapolated,
and of undervaluation due to the fact that not all minors are bearers of a permit of stay
(Caritas, 1998)(14) . Furthermore, the data elaborated and published by Istat (1999) do
not coincide with those supplied by the Ministry for Internal Affairs in the differing
methods of obtaining the data and in the tidying up of the same. For example in recent
years Istat has carried out a check on the data from the Ministry, taking into
consideration only the permits of stay still valid. In particular for the reunification up
to 1995, the quality of the statistics compiled by the Servizio per i problemi dei
lavoratori extracomunitari del Ministero del Lavoro (Ministry of Labour Service for
problems of non Community workers) permitted an important separation of the data,
specifying for example the relative summoned for reunification (Caritas, 1997).
In spite of these limits of interpretation and separation of data, it
is nevertheless possible to give a meaningful picture of the trends occurring, above all
concerning the characteristics peculiar to family reunification occurring in Italy.
The general picture given by interpretation of stock data
In observing the trends in permits of stay issued due to presence or
sex in the period of 1993-1997 (table 3),
we might pick out certain important aspects. The first is the constant increase in permits
for family reasons which in 1997 represented 19% of the total of permits issued, with
respect to 1993 in which it amounted to 17,6. Taking into consideration only those
countries under strong migratory pressure, the increase is even more evident: it passes
from 12,7% in 1993 to 16% in 1998.(15) This is an important trend that supplies the first
indication of stability of settlement, but which is still far from the percentage referred
to the work permit(16) .
Women originating from the so-called countries of high migratory
pressure, they are in a marked majority as far as concerns the family motive, with an
increase of almost 5% in the period under consideration, greater than the increase in the
work permits. In absolute terms the number of women that have obtained a permit of stay
for the family, passes from 42,137 cases to 98,523. This increase on the female side for
family motives is confirmed also by the study carried out, on the data of 1998, by Caritas
on data from the Ministry for Internal Affairs.
The data referring to the total, both male and female (table
4), of the permits issued in 1997 by macro regions of origin of high migratory
pressure, indicate South America as the region with the highest percentage of family
permits (27%), followed by Central-Western Europe (17%) and Africa and Asia (14% each).
Breaking down this data further by nationality, as referring
exclusively to 1997, the dynamics of the pathways of reunification with the male or with
the female become clearer. Concerning males (table
4.1), the data by percentage, on a first reading does not highlight clear pathways
of family reunification. On average, from the areas most interested in emigration, the
percentage of the work permits exceed 70%, and in the case of Senegal reaching 98,8%. The
most elevated quota of reunification with the male is found in the immigrants from Central
and Southern America, on average around 16%.
For females (table
4.2) on the other hand we have important evidence, which again present itself as
indicated above. From the area of the Magreb (Morocco and Tunisia) and from Egypt, women
are in clear majority concerning family permits. One interesting piece of data relates to
Moroccan women 40% of whom are shown as involving the reason of work. From the quality of
the data available and from the literature produced in Italy in recent years, it is not
possible to propose indicative reasons for this tendency. Undoubtedly the presence of
these women in the marketplace for domestic work and assistance in general remains to be
Remaining within the region of Africa, the situation is upturned when
we take into consideration the women originating from Ghana, Nigeria, Ethiopia and
Somalia. In the latter two cases, empirical research (Decimo, 1996) has brought to light
an important involvement in the area of domestic work and assistance of the elderly.
Furthermore, the migratory chain towards the female and the network of local support for
the Ethiopians (Eritreans) and Somalis are very active and consequently permit an
independent emigration for reasons of work (Alietti, Calzolari, Cova 1999; Decimo, 1996).
The question of women originating from Nigeria merits separate consideration: they are
generally associated with the category of sex workers. This way of life is no doubt
indicated by the body of research carried out in recent years (Campani, 1996), though it
is however questionable to associate all the Nigerian women with this activity.
In the case of women originating from the Eastern countries, there is
an evident dynamic of female emigration for reasons of work, except in the case of Albania
where the majority have obtained permits for family reasons.
For the other countries of origin, the most significant data concerns
Philippine and Peruvian women, who reach the same percentage for the work permit, 84%.
This may be explained, as mentioned above, du to the easy availability of work in personal
or domestic services, together with the question of cultural proximity for the Peruvians,
and the presence of institutional migratory chains, such as those represented by Catholic
The meagre percentage of permits for family reasons for women who work
almost exclusively in the domestic sector is to be attributed also to the difficulty of
forming a nuclear family, in that it is often impossible to satisfy the requirement of
adequate lodging in order to obtain authorisation.
On examination of the permits by civil status (tab. 5), we
have further indications concerning the dimension of the emigrant family. In 1997 as
compared to 1993, married male and female immigrants from countries of high migratory
pressure increased, as a percentage of the total, whereas that of single males and females
Married males (table
5.1) increase in the same period of reference by 50,6% compared with 44,7% in
unmarried males, whereas married women (table
5.2) increase by 56,5% compared with 45,8% in unmarried women. Concerning the data
giving the percentages of immigrations with offspring, either for males or for females, we
can see a small but meaningful tendency towards increase.
The geographic area shows that, amongst males, the lowest percentage of
married individuals comes from South America (31,4) and the highest from Asia (49,3) and
Africa (41,7). Amongst women the data confirms that found for males: the highest
percentage of unmarried females come from South America (58,6), followed by women from
Asia (46,2) and from Africa (42,4).
If we observe the progress of the presence of women with offspring, the
highest percentage originate from Africa (22,2%), followed by a much lower percentage of
South American women (6,9%) and Asiatic women (11,3%). As already stated, the fact that
domestic work does not favour the presence of minors exerts an influence upon the latter
A further study of reunification in qualitative and quantitative terms
is available from analysis of the data by age group as relating to permits of stay (table 6).
In the below 17 age group, which represents reunited children, between
1993 and 1997 the increase for males was 52,1% and for females 47,7%. This data is an
underestimate, as we have already observed, due to the fact that that minors are covered
by the permit of their parents. Concerning the "weight" of the minors in the
total number of reunifications, the data on flow as shown by Caritas for 1997 of 23,854
persons authorised for reunification, 74.1% come within 19-55 years, 10.1% in the 0-14 age
group, the same percentage for the 15-18 age group and 5.7% in the over 55 age group.
Returning to the Istat data concerning female immigration from the
countries of high migratory pressure, the most significant increase comes within the 25-29
age group, confirming, together with the presence of children, the demographic effect of
the decrease in age of the resident immigrant population due to the occuring quota of
An interesting piece of data is brought out on observing the percentage
variation in the period when examined by the various age groups. The greatest increase is
concentrated, both for males and females, in the oldest age group. By way of hypothesis,
not having further breakdown of data, one might propose the condition of a migration of
parental rather than marital nature.
Passing on to an analysis of the Caritas data, we might add further
questions relating to the course of migratory flow into Italy.
For the years 1997 and 1998, the ever more significant trend towards
reunification as a vector of emigration is confirmed (Caritas, 1998, 1999).
In 1998 from a total of 110,966 permits issued, 45,000 were granted for
family motives, some 40% of the total, followed by 23,000 work permits (Pittau, 1999). In
all of the regions of origin, with the exception of the European Union, the new entries
for family reasons are prevalent.
The North African region, where family reasons are in a marked majority
(82,5%), evidence of how there is taking place within this community a profound
modification in the migratory characteristics, following upon socio-economic integration.(table
The analysis of flow data by nationality, for 1998, confirms Morocco
(86.8) as the country that carries out the most stable immigration, followed by Albania
(74%) and Romania (46,2%).
The data available for the beneficiary categories, referring
exclusively to the years 1992-1995, give prominence to the evidence for a substantial
continuity of reunification. In this period, 90% of the authorisations come within the
category of married individuals and children below the age of 14 years. In the married
category nine out of ten cases concern wives (Caritas, 1998)
The category of parents and children over 14 is not very indicative in
terms of percentage. For the latter it is also necessary to evaluate the quota of
over-aged offspring, those who have difficulty in satisfying the legislative requirements
necessary for reunification. (table
The data on the territorial distribution has remained substantially
unchanged. In the North, with reference to the years 1994-1996, there is the concentration
of the greatest number of authorisations (63,6%), followed by the Central region (22,2)
and then the South (8,2).
The regions of the North offer greater opportunity in terms of time for
obtaining a job and, consequently, also economic and relational resources needed to take
on reunification. At a regional level, in 1997 the regions with the highest number of
permits for reunification issued are, in order, the two regions of highest economic
development, Lombardy and Veneto (Caritas, 1998). In the case of Lombardy, attention needs
to be drawn to Milan, where there is the greatest concentration of resident foreigners,
whereas in the case of Veneto there is a greater spread due to the wider spread system of
In 1998, the geographic distribution of new permits confirms the data
for the North, with 47% for family reasons, significantly above the national average
From the survey of the flow and stock of the immigrant population,
there is a clear displacement towards the European model, the constant growth in
reunification and the stabilisation in entries for work. Essentially, in Italy the
familiarisation of the migratory flow is by now an established fact. The reunited family
opens up new prospects of analysis above all if we consider it as a continuous process of
redefinition of cultural models and different values, all changeable in time. As stated by
Zehraoui (1995), there does not exist an immigrant family which is already united,
preconstituted, ready-made, that can "integrate" itself or that is to be
integrated into society, rather integration concerns a complete process that produces the
family in immigration, within specific social, economic and cultural relationships, which
transform all of its components.
1. For a confirmation of this trend see the background paper
Fare, in the case of Germany and France
2. As noted by Zeharaoui (1995), the passage from that which he defines as
"individual migration of return" to the "familial migration of
population", is the fruit of an awareness of the difficulty of returning to
ones own country of origin, and by consequence the decisive break with the
possibility of return.
3. By the date of June 1996, out of 40 member countries of the ILO only 17 had ratified
convention N. 143, including Italy in 1981.
4. For a comparative discussion see Callovi, 1993. There is currently under progress a
European commission with the aim of harmonising migratory policies, which is paying
significant attention to family reunification (AGIT, 1999).
5. On the various legislations see Lostia (1999). In some cases, Sweden and Belgium, the
requirements of house and income are not binding. In France, however, there is a standard
of inhabitability of lodging. Italy stands out for the question of income, it being
calculated, in fact, in proportion to the number of family members. This condition is a
major factor concerning reunification.
6. In realty, within the vast literature on the theme of immigration at the European
level, there are often discussions concerning reunification. The problem lies in the fact
that the predicament remains in the background.
7. It is emphasised that table 1 presented by Lahav , with bibliographic sources of
1992 and 1993, in part may appear not to be completely in keeping with the actual
situation. It does, however, appear of interest in understanding in a comparative manner
the differences which have characterised the countries of the European Union for the
greater part of the 1990s. In particular, it emphasises that in Italy the law no.
40/98 allows that according to art. 27 clause 1 letter d) the foreigner may ask for
reunification for "relatives within the third degree, dependent, unfit for work
according to the Italian legislation"
8. On this question and reflections upon Italian society, see Macioti, Pugliese (1991).
9. This typology does not refer exclusively to the Italian case, but to most of the
10. This phenomenon is common to almost all the industrialised countries. For a discussion
see Pedraza (1997)
11. On the other hand law no. 943/1986 decrees that for reunited spouses and offspring
access to the workplace should be impossible for one year, only after this period may the
permit be converted into a permit of work. For certain communities, the Philippine one for
example, it has been mentioned several times that there exists a network of assistance by
friends or relatives that has also performed the function of summoning fellow nationals
when there have appeared possibilities of employment in the workplace.
12. This situation related to, though in a less significant manner, also those foreigners
originating from counties in Eastern Europe and it allows us to draw attention to the
importance that mixed marriages are coming to assume in Italy; for deeper discussion on
the subject see for example the contributions made by Tognetti Bordogna [1994; 1996].
13. The domestic character of the womens work and the consequent possibility of
reunification of the male is common to most of the industrialised countries.
14. As stated by Istat in order to obtain an idea of the underestimate, one might note
that at the end of 1996 foreigners underage amounted to approx. 126 thousand in the
registers, whereas permits in the name of minors are calculated as 28 thousand, (Istat,
1999, p.15. Minors with a permit of stay in their own name are exclusively those awaiting
adoption or fostering.
15. The data published by the national institute of statistics (ISTAT), make distinction
between the so-called "countries of high migratory pressure " and the European
industrialised countries, the United States, Canada and Japan.
16. Following the example of the European partners, it might be hypothesised that in the
coming years, with hardening of the controls foreseen by the laws in force, and the
diminution of the political conditions favouring regularisation, the percentage of family
permits will tend in the medium to the long term to approach those for work.
17. Upon examining the case of Milan, empirical evidence clearly shows the role of the
work assignment offices for women in the context of domestic activities carried out by the
Catholic associations; (see Alietti, Calzolari, Cova, 1999)
A.A. VV., La famiglia in una società multietnica, Vita e Pensiero,
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Angoustures A., Legoux L., "Les liens familiaux dans le
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riunificazione familiare", Affari sociali internazionali, n. 1, 1990.
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