THEOMAI*

RED DE ESTUDIOS SOBRE SOCIEDAD, NATURALEZA Y DESARROLLO /
 
SOCIETY, NATURE AND DEVELOPMENT STUDIES NETWORK 

    


Characteristics and trends of renufication’
family in Italy

Alfredo Alietti & Massimo Strozza*

* Department of Sociology, University of Padua, Italy

 

The evolution of the phenomenon

Since 1974, the period which saw the introduction of a No More policy in the majority of the European Countries of old immigration, the size of the family has and still does assume an ever increasing quantitative weight and qualitative importance concerning migratory ebb and flow. The predominance of family immigration during the eighties in certain of the industrialised countries, both in terms of family reunification and also as relating to family members accompanying the working person, is amply confirmed by the series of data published by the OCDE (1998)(1) .

This prevalence is due to the increasing quota of migrating population that has over the years, by means of progressive integration both socially and through work, passed from a transitory migratory tendency to one of permanence, that has as its primary consequence the constitution or reconstitution of the nuclear family.(2) In analysing such trends, immanent upon the various stages of integration into the host country (Bastenier, Dassetto, 1990), we must also consider the legal-administrative framework that might favour or obstruct any intention of reuniting the family. The right of the immigrant worker to reunite with his family is a right recognised by the United Nations, established by the notion contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (article 16, paragraph 3), that "the family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State" (United Nations, 1998). Within the various conventions that have taken place over the years, the two conventions adopted by the International Labour Organisation need be underlined. In the first, convention No. 97 of 1949 "Migration for Employment", there was agreement of the non expulsion of the immigrant worker and his family, in the circumstance that the worker might not be able to continue working following illness or any injury consequent upon his entry. The second, of 1975 No. 143, regarding "Migrations in Abusive Conditions and the Promotion of Equality of Opportunity and Treatment of Migrant Workers", invited each member country to take all necessary measures, even by means of collaboration between different member states, to facilitate the re-unification of the families of all immigrant workers. (United States, 1998)(3) . Furthermore, the two United Nations conventions concerning the rights of children must be added: that of 1989 which stresses the family unit as an element of well-being and harmonious development of the minor (Agit, 1999), and that of 1990 on the rights of migrant workers and members of their families (Citti, 1999).

The migratory flow for the reunification of the family represents a special case in the conflict between the right of the individual to mobility, this too recognised as a human right, and the legal system that governs entry into a specified country. The interests of the individual and those of the State do not coincide, even though there might exist in the country of destination the idea of the family as a fundamental unit (United Nations, 1998).

At the current time, the industrialised nations the human right to reunification is accepted only formally, if we consider the rigid conditions to which the procedure of reunification is submitted(4) . The European Union recognises and confirms that the reunification of the family is fundamental for the exercise of the right to liberty and human dignity, but the resolution adopted in Copenaghen in 1992 contains a marked basic ambiguity and is not legally binding upon the member countries (Agit, 1999).

The specific status of the foreigner in terms of conditions of access and of legality of residence, determine the frame of reference of the possibilities and modalities for family reunification (Perruchoud, 1989).

The European countries, including Italy, generally require as basic requirements for authorisation an income sufficient for the maintenance of the reunited person and adequate lodgings.(5) The data of interest concerns the system of rights and obligations concerning the reunited person, where there are substantial variations. Of much interest in this respect are the observations of Eleonore Kofman (1999) concerning the sexist dimension of the basic assumptions made by the European legislations on the subject. Generally the male individual is the more privileged, it being especially taken for granted the economic dependence of the reunited woman who in order to have the same rights as the husband, in terms of work, is obliged to wait for twelve months.

Over and above the various legislations in force, the change in the characteristics of migratory flow is also reflected in the different policies adopted by the individual European countries, where the necessity of intervention in favour of integration of members of the reunited family, especially women or minors, is recognised. In face of these profound changes in the characteristics of the Western migratory phenomenon, there has not been forthcoming an adequate study of the socio-economic consequences of family reunification. In the last decade, many of the advanced studies of this subject, have concentrated principally upon a critical analysis of the different legislative propositions, even within a comparative context, or studies of an empirical character into single problems, which principally include the condition of the woman in its various aspects, including among them her presence in the workplace and her increasing role as breadwinner (Pedraza, 1991; Morokvasic, 1993; Kofman 1999), the internal changes to the family, in reference to the redefinition of the parental roles (Ben Salah, 1993; Zerhaoui, 1996), and the problems of the minor (Fondazione Zancan, 1998). These studies are important in delineating the basic trends in the processes of integration, but they do not give prominence to the process of reunification. In substance there has not been established a setting for reflection and of empirical study dedicated exclusively to the subject of reunification and to the gathering of empirical evidence that might present an exhaustive picture of the effects.(6)

The difficulties arise, in part, from the very nature of the collected official data which does not allow for a careful reading of the effects of family reunification. The proportion associated to the marketplace for informal work, in which the quota defining female participation is very high and the factual substantiation that a relevant part of familial reunification occurs in an "illegal" manner, evade official detection (Kofman, 1999). Furthermore, it is difficult to impose a comparative study at a European level upon all the data, since the definitions of reunified family may vary (OCDE, 1998).

Such difficulty is made evident in table 1, which shows the beneficiaries of familial reunification in twelve countries of the European Union. Of the twelve countries considered, only five permit the reunification with other relatives (other than the spouse, children or parents) even if exclusively for special or exceptional circumstances(7) . Concerning the reunification with parents, only Luxembourg gives unconditional permission whereas the other nations associate it with dependence with the exception of three countries (Belgium, France and Germany) who either do not permit it at all or else permit it in conditions of the most severe dependence [Callovi, 1993; United Nations, 1998b; Lahav, 1999]. Even concerning the age of admission of children there is some degree of divergence: Germany has fixed it at sixteen years; the other countries at eighteen with Sweden having raised it to 20 and only in the case of a child having to conclude his or her studies or military service [United Nations, 1998b; Lahav, 1999; Zincone, 2000].

There are a few considerations and proposals put forward in Italy by the Commissione per le politiche di integrazione degli immigrati (Commission for the Policy for Immigrant Integration) that would seem worthy of interest on this subject, though they are also valid for other countries. Firstly, much emphasis is given to the difficulty of the eighteen year limit since it may compel the immigrant to summon his children at around 16-17 years, obliging the latter to interrupt their studies which will then become difficult to resume in Italy (Lostia, 1999, Zincone 2000). Consequently, using Sweden’s as an example, it is considered opportune, in order to deter entry to adolescents no longer suited to admission to the education system nor yet at work, to raise the age limit for reunification of dependent children to 20 years. The latter limit might slide even further upwards to permit the completion of the high school diploma and the university degree or for the obligation of completing military service (Zincone, 2000). A second proposed reform seems rather innovative, one with the aim of reconciling maternity with immigration when the children are numerous and are left at least in part in the country of origin, and which should be based upon "giving priority to concession of permission of stay to young relatives without family responsibilities, that might wish to come to Italy in order to substitute a parent who might have returned to his native country due to serious family duties " (Zincone, 2000, p. 77)

It would seem opportune, as a comparative picture at a European level, to include these proposals insofar as they are indicative of the lack of regulations in many European countries that ought to favour family immigration both as an expression of an unchallenged right and also as a factor of stability and integration (Pastore, 1996): family reunification must be conceived of as an end in itself and therefore the policies to be adopted must also of necessity be inspired by the needs and expectations of the family receiving "hospitality".

Scanty availability of data available from international sources does not permit comparison at a statistical level, at least not without significant approximation. For example Lahav (1999), on the basis of the OECD data, calculates the flux of family immigration for the years 1980 to 1990 in four countries ( Belgium, France, German an the United Kingdom), subtracting the flows for work from the total of the flows of foreigners (excluding temporary migrants, seasonal workers and students). Table 2 shows the results of such an estimate, that the author comments by underlining on one side as family inflow for the years under analysis, they oscillate approximately from 40% to 90% of the total of the movements of foreigners and on the other as it might be in either absolute values or in percentages, it shows a relative decline in values from 1980 to 1990. The data would suggest a trend towards a stabilisation of migratory inflow and they underline the need for further research and more detailed statistics.

From the mass of literature, the relevant questions, concerning the effects of reunification may be divided into three macro-regions (Tognetti, 1998):

  • the strictly demographic aspect that expresses itself in a decrease in age and redistribution of gender;
  • the socio-economic aspect, in which are determined the increase in the welfare services, the presence of the reunited person in the either the formal or the informal workplace, the changes in consumption or in saving and the changes in productivity of single individuals within the family setting;
  • the training aspect that expresses itself in the increased demand for linguistic competence and professional training;
  • the psychological and pedagogic aspect, that is expressed in the change in the relationship between couples, between parents and children and the redefinition of the male and female roles.

Italy, as in the case of the majority of the European countries is moving towards the mature phase of the migratory phenomenon, passing from a migration of work chiefly characterised by male adults, relatively young and alone, to a migrations du peuplement. From the period of the emergence of immigration beginning at the end of the eighties until today, the characteristics of migratory flow have undergone rapid change if compared with the evolution of the phenomenon in the other European countries.(8)

Taking into consideration the different time periods and the process of familiarisation occuring during these years, we are in the presence of a multiplicity of pathways towards the constitution and reconstitution of the family in the state of migration, which may be divided into four types (Cesareo, 1997; Favaro, Colombo, 1993, Tognetti, 1998)(9) :

  • family reunification with movement towards the male;
  • family reunification with movement towards the female;
  • constitution of the family of the foreigner after a certain period of time spent in Italy, by means of marriage to a person of his or her own country;
  • contemporary arrival of two married persons in Italy

The general situation, in the Italy of today, would seem to confirm the image of the male head of the family, having emigrated first, by a significant majority originating from the north of Africa, who on the basis of his economic and conditions of lodging, decides to organise the reunification of his family, or to marry in his country of origin and to return with his wife. (Cesareo, 1997, Istat 1998). This pattern, typical in the majority of the other European countries, finds its exception, through the significant presence of a female migratory chain, above all of women originating in Latin America and the Philippines, giving emphasis to the process of reunification of the male (Strozza, 1999, Campani, 1990). This may be explained due to the growing labour demand in the sector of domestic work and assistance, as concentrated mainly in the big cities, Rome and Milan above all, which facilitate the migratory inflow of women from the countries in question and which permit the occurrence of a migratory strategy independent of the figure of the husband or even of the presence of family.(10)

On this point different authors have emphasised how being occupied predominantly in the domestic sector does not facilitate family cohesion, in that it often implies the lack of necessary habitation (Caritas, 1997; Vaccaro 1997). Furthermore, in Italy the bread winner is the spouse who is earning and supports the family with his or her income and, for husbands coming from Latin America or the Philippines, this would constitute an overturning of the traditional gender relationship (Lonni 1999; Zincone 2000). In order to avoid such an overturning in many cases, the husband, remaining in the native country, might have decided to reunite with his wife only when a job opportunity might have presented itself and afforded the opportunity to obtain a permit for stay for reasons of work(11) .

Concerning the women from South America, a further aspect need be taken into consideration as emerging from the Relazione del Ministero del Lavoro (Ministry of Labour Report) from 1994 in which was stressed that the majority of the female citizens coming from this region ,when divorced (and in this case remarried to Italians) would make request for reunification with their children remaining in their country of origin, these often having just reached adult age(12) (Department of Social Affairs, 1996).

Within the combined group of the female component and the familial aspects of migration there undoubtedly operate socio-cultural aspects, as in the case of women from North African, that may favour or otherwise the various prospects and modalities of emigration. (13)

On this latter point it is necessary to avoid falling for cultural stereotypes that would see the woman of Islamic culture as exclusively migrant in pursuit of the husband and often relegated to a function of social reproduction. Apart from the Somali fraction, it is interesting to note how due to the crisis in the traditional structures in their society of origin (family, clan, village) even from countries of the Islamic region from which the women traditionally emigrated for reunification, there is an ongoing change towards an emigration of solitary women in search of work (Campani, 1997).

Concerning the data as a whole, some reflection is required as to the sources currently available.

The primary font of the data, the Ministero dell’Interno [Ministry for Internal Affairs], is limited both in its overvaluation of the overall number of permits of stay, about one third, since the already expired permits are not extrapolated, and of undervaluation due to the fact that not all minors are bearers of a permit of stay (Caritas, 1998)(14) . Furthermore, the data elaborated and published by Istat (1999) do not coincide with those supplied by the Ministry for Internal Affairs in the differing methods of obtaining the data and in the tidying up of the same. For example in recent years Istat has carried out a check on the data from the Ministry, taking into consideration only the permits of stay still valid. In particular for the reunification up to 1995, the quality of the statistics compiled by the Servizio per i problemi dei lavoratori extracomunitari del Ministero del Lavoro (Ministry of Labour Service for problems of non Community workers) permitted an important separation of the data, specifying for example the relative summoned for reunification (Caritas, 1997).

In spite of these limits of interpretation and separation of data, it is nevertheless possible to give a meaningful picture of the trends occurring, above all concerning the characteristics peculiar to family reunification occurring in Italy.

 

The general picture given by interpretation of stock data

In observing the trends in permits of stay issued due to presence or sex in the period of 1993-1997 (table 3), we might pick out certain important aspects. The first is the constant increase in permits for family reasons which in 1997 represented 19% of the total of permits issued, with respect to 1993 in which it amounted to 17,6. Taking into consideration only those countries under strong migratory pressure, the increase is even more evident: it passes from 12,7% in 1993 to 16% in 1998.(15) This is an important trend that supplies the first indication of stability of settlement, but which is still far from the percentage referred to the work permit(16) .

Women originating from the so-called countries of high migratory pressure, they are in a marked majority as far as concerns the family motive, with an increase of almost 5% in the period under consideration, greater than the increase in the work permits. In absolute terms the number of women that have obtained a permit of stay for the family, passes from 42,137 cases to 98,523. This increase on the female side for family motives is confirmed also by the study carried out, on the data of 1998, by Caritas on data from the Ministry for Internal Affairs.

The data referring to the total, both male and female (table 4), of the permits issued in 1997 by macro regions of origin of high migratory pressure, indicate South America as the region with the highest percentage of family permits (27%), followed by Central-Western Europe (17%) and Africa and Asia (14% each).

Breaking down this data further by nationality, as referring exclusively to 1997, the dynamics of the pathways of reunification with the male or with the female become clearer. Concerning males (table 4.1), the data by percentage, on a first reading does not highlight clear pathways of family reunification. On average, from the areas most interested in emigration, the percentage of the work permits exceed 70%, and in the case of Senegal reaching 98,8%. The most elevated quota of reunification with the male is found in the immigrants from Central and Southern America, on average around 16%.

For females (table 4.2) on the other hand we have important evidence, which again present itself as indicated above. From the area of the Magreb (Morocco and Tunisia) and from Egypt, women are in clear majority concerning family permits. One interesting piece of data relates to Moroccan women 40% of whom are shown as involving the reason of work. From the quality of the data available and from the literature produced in Italy in recent years, it is not possible to propose indicative reasons for this tendency. Undoubtedly the presence of these women in the marketplace for domestic work and assistance in general remains to be verified.

Remaining within the region of Africa, the situation is upturned when we take into consideration the women originating from Ghana, Nigeria, Ethiopia and Somalia. In the latter two cases, empirical research (Decimo, 1996) has brought to light an important involvement in the area of domestic work and assistance of the elderly. Furthermore, the migratory chain towards the female and the network of local support for the Ethiopians (Eritreans) and Somalis are very active and consequently permit an independent emigration for reasons of work (Alietti, Calzolari, Cova 1999; Decimo, 1996). The question of women originating from Nigeria merits separate consideration: they are generally associated with the category of sex workers. This way of life is no doubt indicated by the body of research carried out in recent years (Campani, 1996), though it is however questionable to associate all the Nigerian women with this activity.

In the case of women originating from the Eastern countries, there is an evident dynamic of female emigration for reasons of work, except in the case of Albania where the majority have obtained permits for family reasons.

For the other countries of origin, the most significant data concerns Philippine and Peruvian women, who reach the same percentage for the work permit, 84%. This may be explained, as mentioned above, du to the easy availability of work in personal or domestic services, together with the question of cultural proximity for the Peruvians, and the presence of institutional migratory chains, such as those represented by Catholic associations.(17)

The meagre percentage of permits for family reasons for women who work almost exclusively in the domestic sector is to be attributed also to the difficulty of forming a nuclear family, in that it is often impossible to satisfy the requirement of adequate lodging in order to obtain authorisation.

On examination of the permits by civil status (tab. 5), we have further indications concerning the dimension of the emigrant family. In 1997 as compared to 1993, married male and female immigrants from countries of high migratory pressure increased, as a percentage of the total, whereas that of single males and females decreased.

Married males (table 5.1) increase in the same period of reference by 50,6% compared with 44,7% in unmarried males, whereas married women (table 5.2) increase by 56,5% compared with 45,8% in unmarried women. Concerning the data giving the percentages of immigrations with offspring, either for males or for females, we can see a small but meaningful tendency towards increase.

The geographic area shows that, amongst males, the lowest percentage of married individuals comes from South America (31,4) and the highest from Asia (49,3) and Africa (41,7). Amongst women the data confirms that found for males: the highest percentage of unmarried females come from South America (58,6), followed by women from Asia (46,2) and from Africa (42,4).

If we observe the progress of the presence of women with offspring, the highest percentage originate from Africa (22,2%), followed by a much lower percentage of South American women (6,9%) and Asiatic women (11,3%). As already stated, the fact that domestic work does not favour the presence of minors exerts an influence upon the latter data.

A further study of reunification in qualitative and quantitative terms is available from analysis of the data by age group as relating to permits of stay (table 6).

In the below 17 age group, which represents reunited children, between 1993 and 1997 the increase for males was 52,1% and for females 47,7%. This data is an underestimate, as we have already observed, due to the fact that that minors are covered by the permit of their parents. Concerning the "weight" of the minors in the total number of reunifications, the data on flow as shown by Caritas for 1997 of 23,854 persons authorised for reunification, 74.1% come within 19-55 years, 10.1% in the 0-14 age group, the same percentage for the 15-18 age group and 5.7% in the over 55 age group.

Returning to the Istat data concerning female immigration from the countries of high migratory pressure, the most significant increase comes within the 25-29 age group, confirming, together with the presence of children, the demographic effect of the decrease in age of the resident immigrant population due to the occuring quota of reunification.

An interesting piece of data is brought out on observing the percentage variation in the period when examined by the various age groups. The greatest increase is concentrated, both for males and females, in the oldest age group. By way of hypothesis, not having further breakdown of data, one might propose the condition of a migration of parental rather than marital nature.

Passing on to an analysis of the Caritas data, we might add further questions relating to the course of migratory flow into Italy.

For the years 1997 and 1998, the ever more significant trend towards reunification as a vector of emigration is confirmed (Caritas, 1998, 1999).

In 1998 from a total of 110,966 permits issued, 45,000 were granted for family motives, some 40% of the total, followed by 23,000 work permits (Pittau, 1999). In all of the regions of origin, with the exception of the European Union, the new entries for family reasons are prevalent.

The North African region, where family reasons are in a marked majority (82,5%), evidence of how there is taking place within this community a profound modification in the migratory characteristics, following upon socio-economic integration.(table 7)

The analysis of flow data by nationality, for 1998, confirms Morocco (86.8) as the country that carries out the most stable immigration, followed by Albania (74%) and Romania (46,2%).

The data available for the beneficiary categories, referring exclusively to the years 1992-1995, give prominence to the evidence for a substantial continuity of reunification. In this period, 90% of the authorisations come within the category of married individuals and children below the age of 14 years. In the married category nine out of ten cases concern wives (Caritas, 1998)

The category of parents and children over 14 is not very indicative in terms of percentage. For the latter it is also necessary to evaluate the quota of over-aged offspring, those who have difficulty in satisfying the legislative requirements necessary for reunification. (table 8)

The data on the territorial distribution has remained substantially unchanged. In the North, with reference to the years 1994-1996, there is the concentration of the greatest number of authorisations (63,6%), followed by the Central region (22,2) and then the South (8,2).

The regions of the North offer greater opportunity in terms of time for obtaining a job and, consequently, also economic and relational resources needed to take on reunification. At a regional level, in 1997 the regions with the highest number of permits for reunification issued are, in order, the two regions of highest economic development, Lombardy and Veneto (Caritas, 1998). In the case of Lombardy, attention needs to be drawn to Milan, where there is the greatest concentration of resident foreigners, whereas in the case of Veneto there is a greater spread due to the wider spread system of production.

In 1998, the geographic distribution of new permits confirms the data for the North, with 47% for family reasons, significantly above the national average (41%). (table 9)

From the survey of the flow and stock of the immigrant population, there is a clear displacement towards the European model, the constant growth in reunification and the stabilisation in entries for work. Essentially, in Italy the familiarisation of the migratory flow is by now an established fact. The reunited family opens up new prospects of analysis above all if we consider it as a continuous process of redefinition of cultural models and different values, all changeable in time. As stated by Zehraoui (1995), there does not exist an immigrant family which is already united, preconstituted, ready-made, that can "integrate" itself or that is to be integrated into society, rather integration concerns a complete process that produces the family in immigration, within specific social, economic and cultural relationships, which transform all of its components.

 

Notes

1. For a confirmation of this trend see the background paper ‘Fare, in the case of Germany and France’
2. As noted by Zeharaoui (1995), the passage from that which he defines as "individual migration of return" to the "familial migration of population", is the fruit of an awareness of the difficulty of returning to one’s own country of origin, and by consequence the decisive break with the possibility of return.
3. By the date of June 1996, out of 40 member countries of the ILO only 17 had ratified convention N. 143, including Italy in 1981.
4. For a comparative discussion see Callovi, 1993. There is currently under progress a European commission with the aim of harmonising migratory policies, which is paying significant attention to family reunification (AGIT, 1999).
5. On the various legislations see Lostia (1999). In some cases, Sweden and Belgium, the requirements of house and income are not binding. In France, however, there is a standard of inhabitability of lodging. Italy stands out for the question of income, it being calculated, in fact, in proportion to the number of family members. This condition is a major factor concerning reunification.
6. In realty, within the vast literature on the theme of immigration at the European level, there are often discussions concerning reunification. The problem lies in the fact that the predicament remains in the background.
7. It is emphasised that table 1 presented by Lahav [1999], with bibliographic sources of 1992 and 1993, in part may appear not to be completely in keeping with the actual situation. It does, however, appear of interest in understanding in a comparative manner the differences which have characterised the countries of the European Union for the greater part of the 1990’s. In particular, it emphasises that in Italy the law no. 40/98 allows that according to art. 27 clause 1 letter d) the foreigner may ask for reunification for "relatives within the third degree, dependent, unfit for work according to the Italian legislation"
8. On this question and reflections upon Italian society, see Macioti, Pugliese (1991).
9. This typology does not refer exclusively to the Italian case, but to most of the industrialised countries.
10. This phenomenon is common to almost all the industrialised countries. For a discussion see Pedraza (1997)
11. On the other hand law no. 943/1986 decrees that for reunited spouses and offspring access to the workplace should be impossible for one year, only after this period may the permit be converted into a permit of work. For certain communities, the Philippine one for example, it has been mentioned several times that there exists a network of assistance by friends or relatives that has also performed the function of summoning fellow nationals when there have appeared possibilities of employment in the workplace.
12. This situation related to, though in a less significant manner, also those foreigners originating from counties in Eastern Europe and it allows us to draw attention to the importance that mixed marriages are coming to assume in Italy; for deeper discussion on the subject see for example the contributions made by Tognetti Bordogna [1994; 1996].
13. The domestic character of the women’s work and the consequent possibility of reunification of the male is common to most of the industrialised countries.
14. As stated by Istat in order to obtain an idea of the underestimate, one might note that at the end of 1996 foreigners underage amounted to approx. 126 thousand in the registers, whereas permits in the name of minors are calculated as 28 thousand, (Istat, 1999, p.15. Minors with a permit of stay in their own name are exclusively those awaiting adoption or fostering.
15. The data published by the national institute of statistics (ISTAT), make distinction between the so-called "countries of high migratory pressure " and the European industrialised countries, the United States, Canada and Japan.
16. Following the example of the European partners, it might be hypothesised that in the coming years, with hardening of the controls foreseen by the laws in force, and the diminution of the political conditions favouring regularisation, the percentage of family permits will tend in the medium to the long term to approach those for work.
17. Upon examining the case of Milan, empirical evidence clearly shows the role of the work assignment offices for women in the context of domestic activities carried out by the Catholic associations; (see Alietti, Calzolari, Cova, 1999)

 

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Theomai*. Red de Estudios sobre Sociedad, Naturaleza y Desarrollo/Theomai*. Society, Nature and Development Studies Network.
*Theomai: Ver, mirar, contemplar, observar, pasar revista, comprender, conocer
*
Theomai is a word of greek origin wich means: to see, to contemplate, to observe, to understand, to know

Coordinadores/Coordinators: Guido P. Galafassi - Adrián G. Zarrilli.
Sede/Place: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, Centro de Estudios e Investigaciones